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篇1：名人励志英文演讲稿
Youth will press
Saying goodbye to childhood,we step into another important time in the pace of young,facing new situations,dealing with different problems……
everyone has his ownunderstanding of young,it is a period of time of beauty and wonders,only after you have experienced the sour ,sweet ,bitter and salty can you really become a person of significance.
thre time of young is limitted,it may pass by without your attention,and when you discover what has happened ,it is always too late.grasping the young well means a better time is waiting for you in the near future,or the situation may be opposite .
having a view on these great men in the history of hunmanbeing,they all made full use of their youth time ,to do things that are useful to society,to the whole mankind,and as a cosquence ,they are remembered by later generations,admired by everyone.so do something in the time of young,although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole word,just for youeself,for those around!
the young is just like blooming flowers,they are so beautiful when blooming,they make people feel happy,but with time passing by,after they withers ,moet people think they are ugly.
and so it is the same with young,we are enthusiastic when we are young,then we may lose our passion when getting older and older.
so we must treasure it ,don't let the limitted time pass by ,leaving nothing of significance.
译文：
青春终将散场
告别童年，我们步入了青春的步伐的另一个重要时刻，面临新的形势，处理不同的问题......
每个人对年轻，都有他自己的理解，这是一段美丽和奇迹，只有在你经历了酸甜苦辣，你真的能成为一个人的意义。
青春的时光是有限的，稍不注意转瞬即逝，当你发现已不再年轻时，为时已晚矣。所以我们要把握年轻，一个更加美好的时光在不久的将来等着你，否则你将失去这些。
过去的那些伟人，他们都充分利用了自己的青春时光，做一些对社会是有益的，对整个人类，作为一个时代的创造者，他们被后人的每个人所铭记。所以年轻的时候要做好自己，即使你可能做不到这些伟人的成就，但至少可以为为自己，为周围的人做点什么!
年轻就像盛开的花朵，他们是如此美丽盛开的时候，他们让人们感到满意，但随着时间的推移，岁月会让你变老.
年轻人，在我们热情年轻时候，保持你的激情，不要在激情中变老。
所以我们一定要珍惜它，不要让有限的青春白白逝去，没有留下任何的意义。
篇2：名人励志英文演讲稿
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which pide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”¹
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,”² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
译文：
我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着结束，也象征着开始;意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的`力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。
我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。
让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。
最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。
我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
因此让我们重新开始，双方都应记住，谦恭并非懦弱的征象，而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。
让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题，而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议，并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。
让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，开发海洋深处，并鼓励艺术和商务。
让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令，去“卸下沉重的负担……(并)让被压迫者得自由。”
如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，那么，让双方联合作一次新的努力吧，这不是追求新的权力均衡，而是建立一个新的法治世界，在那世界上强者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。
凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成，不会在最初的一千天中完成，不会在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。
同胞们，我们事业的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来，每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。
现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的;不是号召我们去作战，虽然我们准备应战;那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争，“在希望中欢乐，在患难中忍耐”;这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。
我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人，来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?
在世界的悠久历史中，只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩;我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人，而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。
所以，同胞们：不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民：不要问美国愿为你们做些什么，而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后，不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民，请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧，我们行为的最后裁判者是历史，让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土，企求上帝的保佑与扶携，但我们知道，在这个世界上，上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。
篇3：名人英文演讲稿
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.
It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.
One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.
One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.
One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.
So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nations capital to cash a check.
When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.
This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.
Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.
” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.
We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.
This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.
Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.
Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of Gods children.
Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.
This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.
Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
篇4：名人英文演讲稿
Harry S.
Truman: “The Truman Doctrine”
Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress.
The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved.
One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.
The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance.
Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.
I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government.
Greece is not a rich country.
Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet.
Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.
When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine.
More than a thousand villages had been burned.
Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular.
Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared.
Inflation had wiped out practically all savings.
As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.
Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence.
Under these circumstances, the people of Greececannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction.
Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds.
These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad.
Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery.
The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the governments authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries.
A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.
Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation.
The Greek army is small and poorly equipped.
It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory.
Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy.
The United States must supply this assistance.
We have already extended to Greececertain types of relief and economic aid.
But these are inadequate.
There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.
No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.
The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st.
Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.
We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis.
But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.
It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration.
It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.
No government is perfect.
One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected.
The Government of Greece is not perfect.
Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year.
Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.
The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism.
It has made mistakes.
The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do.
We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left.
We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.
Greeks [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention.
The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece.
The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece.
Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece.
And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.
Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.
Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.
That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.
The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.
As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it.
We are the only country able to provide that help.
I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.
One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion.
This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan.
Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.
To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations.
The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members.
We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes.
This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.
The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will.
The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria.
I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.
At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life.
The choice is too often not a free one.
One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of inpidual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.
The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority.
It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.
I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.
I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.
I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.
The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred.
But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration.
In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation.
If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious.
Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.
Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.
It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much.
Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world.
Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.
Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.
We must take immediate and resolute action.
I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948.
In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.
In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished.
I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.
Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.
If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress.
On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.
This is a serious course upon which we embark.
I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious.
The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II.
This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.
The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment.
It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain.
The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want.
They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife.
They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive.
The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms.
If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world.
And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.
Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.
I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.
篇5：名人英文演讲稿
I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, it is victory. Victory at all costs—victory in spite of all terrors—victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival. Let that be realized, no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that British Empire has stood for , no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall more forward toward his goal. I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of a
篇6：名人英文演讲稿
Can money buy happiness? Different people have different opinions. Some think yes, while others hold the opposite.
It is true that with enough money one can buy all the things one wants, and live a life of comfort and security. However, it is equally true that lack of money causes great distress. It is a common view that “money is the root of all evil.“ The pursuit of money drives many people to cheat and steal. In some places there is nothing that cannot be bought with money, resulting in corrupt societies where everybody is miserable.
When James visited Qingdao, I accompanied him all the time and reported on his visit. I was deeply touched by his honesty. It has taught me a lot. I think to err is human. The important thing is to have the courage to admit and correct ones error.
Honesty is a vital quality of human behaviour. So we should try to keep an honest mind in everything we say and do. I would like to say to all of my friends: Lets be honest people of good moral character.
Thank you.
篇7：名人英文演讲稿
Vice President Johnson, Mr.
Speaker, Mr.
Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change.
For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now.
For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.
And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.
Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.
United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.
Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.
We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.
But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.
If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.
But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.
Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.
And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness.
For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.
Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which pide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.
Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to ”undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.“
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.
Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.
But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.
Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.
The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, ”rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,“ a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.
I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it.
I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.
The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.
And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.
With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth Gods work must truly be our own.
篇8：名人演讲稿英文
This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.
Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their lifes savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.
Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.
The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: ”There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other.“ And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: ”Others are correct when they say: With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves. I can beat any other power in the world.“ So said the leader of the Nazis.
In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.
At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.
Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no ”unwritten agreement.“ And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.
Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.
Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.
During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: ”Please, Mr. President, dont frighten us by telling us the facts.“ Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.
Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hours notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, ”The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places.“ The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.
The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of ”restoring order.“ Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are ”protecting it“ against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: ”We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States\"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.
Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.
There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.
Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to pide our people, to pide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.
There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.
The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.
篇9：名人演讲稿英文
It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the worlds peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.
XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or pided in purpose. We stand together until the end.
For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright an d very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world -- the new world in which we now live -- instead of a place of mastery.
篇10：名人演讲稿英文
ladies and gentlemen, good morning. it’s my great honor to be here and i am very happy to see you all. thank you for being here. what i am going to talk about today is how to speak good English. making
first of all, i’d like to talk about the importance of speaking good English and share my experience in learning English with you. as you know, English has become an international language. wherever you go, English is always commonly used. it is convenient to know the language. at the same time, English may be the most important factor in deciding which countries are leaders in the future. the language of the most advanced management and technology is undoubtedly English. being able to absorb this information is really the key to the new century. in the 21century. we can’t go there and speak our own language because nobody is going to learn it in order to understand us. our asian rival, india, has surged ahead of other developing countries in information technology because of its superior English skills. unlewe are able to master English, we will not be able to get our population to use it and take advantage of the new economy. there is an urgent need to have a workforce which is proficient in the language in view of the information technology onslaught.
second, about learning English, i think laying a strong foundation is the first and most important step. in other words, you should read and speak English every day. memorizing new words and phrases is also helpful. of course, learning English takes some time, so don’t be impatient. remember, rome wasn’t built in a day. and then since English is not our native tongue, we must develop the muscles of your speech organs to produce unfamiliar sounds. when you read, read as loudly as possible, as clearly as possible and as quickly as possible. tongue muscles’ training is of importance in learning any foreign language.
third, if you want to speak good English, please don’t care how poorly well you speak, only care about catching the chances to speak. you must enjoy losing face, just forget about your face. the more you speak, the better your English will become. the more mistakes you make, the more progreyou will make. you must enjoy speaking poor English, because speaking is the only thing that will lead you towards success. don’t give up. just try your best. every time you move your mouth, your memory will deepen, your muscles will strengthen. you can make it.
i have made a considerable amounts of public English speaking in my life, i am often asked why the crazy English method is better than other methods or if the crazy English method will help all English learners. my answer is, the method will help the English learners because it is a perfect match with the chinese principles of diligence, self-help and determination. mere exposure to English will not enable you to speak English. if you want to drive you have to get in the car and drive, if you want to dance you have to turn on the music and dance, if you want to swim you have to jump in the water and swim. in fact, swimming is the perfect comparison to learning English. you can’t learn to swim by sitting in a room and reading books about swimming skills. in order to be a swimmer you’ve got to conquer you fear, you’ve got to survive and suck in water, yell for help, you’ve got to lose face many times before you can make it. but, to be a good swimmer you’ve got to practice again and again. to be a great swimmer you have to practice for years until you can harmonize every part of your body and mind.
finally, i want to greet you and encourage you to seize this unique opportunity to conquer English and make lifelong friends from all over our college. as you know, we are human beings ,not animals. we know what we want to do. we know our destiny is in our hands. with hard work and determination, we can do anything we set our mind to do. today, i will accompany you every minute on this unique journey. i want you to open your heart, i want you to be devoted, i want you to be crazy, i want you to forget about your face, i want to open your mouth wildly, i want you conquer your lazineand all the other human weaknesses, i want you to overcome all the obstacles that hold you back.
i want to share your joy and i want to share your struggle, but most important of all, i want to share your glory and victory. we are the future of china, the future of asian, and the future of the world. we desire to win, we must win, we will win, absolutely, definitely, and without any doubt! form a painfully shy boy who felt terrible about himself, who regarded himself as human trash, a born loser, to an internationally recognized English promoter, i made it. so i strongly believe that you will make it too. i have confidence in you.
篇11：短篇名人英文演讲稿
To be in the presence of a Rothko painting is to do far more than stand and admire a picture.
It is to have an experience.
The results of that experience depend upon the inpidual.
They range from the profound and moving perhaps even to the bemused.
Rothko's masterpieces are that.
Classified as, Abstract Expressionism, the paintings that he produced in the last twenty years of his life are some of the most remarkable and identifiable images of the twentieth century.
There is no ambiguity about Mark Rothko's genius, nor his intensity and his desire to create something intense and emotional.
He was, to the end of his life, uncompromising and brave in his belief and search for expression.
Mark Rothko's career as a painter spans five decades.
His life began in Russian Latvia and he came as an immigrant to America.
His heritage and life fuses European traditions and European and American modernism.
His work stands as some of the most powerful but uneasy pictures ever committed to canvas.
In the end illness, depression and eventually suicide brought his life to a close.
His work endures as a magnificent testament to a supreme artist who created a new and impassioned form of abstract painting.
Yet Rothko would have hoped it was more than that.
He might have hoped that those who came to see his work in the right setting might have an encounter akin to a religious experience.
There's no denying that his work is extraordinarily powerful.
It resonates with an energy, either uplifting or brooding.
It does not leave you alone.
In front of Rothko, you are forced to confront yourself.
You are drawn into an experience.
You feel dwarfed by the presence of something you cannot quite explain or comprehend.
Many people witnessing his work report feelings that are emotional and tearful.
No reproduction or photograph of his work can possibly do the original justice.
To feel the power of his work you have to be there in front of it.
What is certain is that Rothko was one of the pre-eminent artists of his generation.
His influences were many and his influence extends to composers and musicians as well as to painters.
There seems to be something about his best work that defies words.
Perhaps that is why titles and names for his work became redundant to him.
The artist himself chose to use numbers to identify works.
There were many attempts to commission Rothko to produce work to hang in public spaces.
There were not all successful.
Perhaps the most famous is the Rothko Chapel in Huston.
This experiment was years in the making and preparation.
The obsessive effort involved might even have contributed to Rothko's depression and his death.
Yet there is something about Rothko's work that begs to be hung in public spaces.
Rothko himself would not have wanted those spaces to be art museums.
There is something spiritual about the experience we have confronting his work.
Yet attempts to describe the work often fails.
Rothko himself found words inadequate preferring eventually to let the paintings exist in silence.
He tired of trying to explain what he saw as a fundamentally emotional and non-verbal experience.
Critics and the public alike disagree to this day, how far he succeeded in his quest to represent this.
Rothko was uncompromising.
Commissioned to provide work for a restaurant on Park Avenue, he produced forty paintings over three months.
He then decided to abandon the project, unhappy that his work should hang in a restaurant.
Much of that work now resides in museums in the US, London and Japan.
The work he produced was unique, powerful and inpidual.
A Rothko painting is an iconic image.
The canvasses he chose to work on were by most standards huge.
This is not art for the small room or the fainthearted.
A vast Rothko canvas might ty///picprise of floating rectangles of colour.
They work with and against each other.
They range from light and energising yellows and reds towards much deeper and far more sombre hues.
Whatever their variation, they never cease to convey a deep feeling of sensuality.
If you close your eyes or turn your back on a Rothko, you can feel its presence hovering and burning behind you.
His work shimmers with power and intensity.
The paintings are hypnotic and powerful.
Perhaps the clues to such extraordinary work and output come partly from the characters Rothko grew up with and the circles he mixed in.
His family of Russian Jewish extraction found themselves outcasts in their own country.
Immigrating to the US, the Rothkowitz's arrived at Ellis Island in the winter of 1913.
By 1914, Marcus Rothkowitz's father was dead.
Yet Marcus, who would change his name to Mark before WWII, was a bright and eager student.
With four languages at his disposal and as many cultural influences, he graduated from High School at seventeen years of age.
He won a scholarship to Yale, although he dropped out citing the Yale community as too elitist and racist for his taste.
It was not until 1923 that he witnessed, by accident, his first art class and began his life as an artist.
The Rothko that would find fame and fortune after WWII was still a long way off.
Enrolled in the New School of Design, Rothkowitz's tutors included GORKY and MAX WEBER.
New York at the time was a hotbed atmosphere revelling in modernism.
The galleries showed modernist paintings and the museums were to prove an invaluable resource for a budding artist.
Rothko had his own showing in 1928 and a year later he was teaching classes in sculpture and painting.
Rothko was a great thinker and debater.
He wrote, although never completed a book, on his theories linking modernism with primitive and children's intuitive art.
His work developed and he began to incorporate classical myths and symbolism.
In common with many, Rothko read and was influenced by Freud, Jung, and the concept of the collective unconscious.
The rise of Nazism forced the immigration to the US of many celebrated and avant-garde artists, Miro, Dali, Ernst and Breton among them.
Symbolism and modern art had taken New York by storm.
As heady and exciting as all this was, Rothko was still searching for a fresher mode of expression.
He broke away from symbolism into what have been called, 'multi form' paintings.
In these, his use of bright abstract colour emerged.
They were unique, in that they seemed to possess a life and energy of their own.
Yet at the same time, they were blurred blocks of colour without recognisable form.
There were not landscapes as such, nor human figures, or symbols.
In this work and the extraordinary work that was to follow, it seemed as if Rothko had abandoned traditional artistic aims altogether.
His work seemed more to do with a spiritual quest than a representation or interpretation of an object.
As he developed his ideas through these forms and experience, it occurred to Rothko that even specific titles for his work were too restrictive.
As Rothko struggled with his vision and expression, his personal life suffered.
He fought depression, alcoholism and after a second marriage break up and then his mother's death, he retreated into seclusion.
The resulting work was to be extraordinary.
For seven years, he painted in oils on vast canvasses.
These have the effect of immersing the viewer, providing a feeling of intimacy and awe.
During the 1950's Rothko travelled widely still seeking out art and revelling in the Italian frescoes.
Conversely, as fame and fortune found him, so he began to doubt his work was being appreciated for the right reasons.
Former friends, perhaps jealous of his commercial success, accused him of betrayal and of selling out.
Buying a Rothko, it seemed, was a prudent and sound financial investment for an art collector.
Frustration trying to verbalise or explain his art caused him to further shy away from discussing his work.
That same work seemed to express real human emotions, from tragedy to ecstasy.
Critics see Rothko's move towards dark and brooding colours as symptomatic of his depression.
As his retrospective is held in the Museum of Modern Art, Pop Art is already the next 'big thing.
' Rothko is scathing in his opinion of those who have not paid their dues and calls the movement, the tragedy of art as a commodity.
Perhaps the commissioning of what became the Rothko chapel, was the fitting place for this genius' work to be experienced.
To Rothko's delight, it would be far from the hub of fashionable New York.
The distance meant that people who wanted the experience would have to be prepared to make the journey.
It would be a journey not unlike a religious pilgrimage.
The fourteen pieces of work that hang there took Rothko six years to produce.
They are, by all accounts, an awesome experience to view, and according to some the zenith of darkness and unpredictability.
Rothko never saw the culmination of his life's work completed.
His depression and suicide in 1970 ended a life that was intense and at times painful and traumatic.
The work he left behind is no less powerful.
They are, perhaps, some of the most resonant paintings ever committed to canvas by an artist.
篇12：名人英文演讲稿
尊敬的墨西哥国会常设委员会主席安纳亚先生，
各位议员，
女士们，先生们，朋友们：
Your Excellency Mr. Ricardo Anaya, President of the Permanent Commission of Congress,
Members of Congress,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Dear Friends,
大家好!今天，有机会来到墨西哥参议院演讲，同各位议员交流，我感到十分荣幸。
Good morning. It gives me great pleasure to address the Mexican Senate and exchange views with members of the Mexican Congress today.
借此机会，我谨代表中国政府和人民，向在座各位议员朋友和长期致力于中墨友好的各界人士，向热情友好的墨西哥人民，致以诚挚问候和良好祝愿!
I wish to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of the Chinese government and people, warm greetings and best wishes to members of Congress and people from all sectors of the Mexican society who have long been committed to friendship with China and to the friendly and hospitable people of Mexico.
今年4月，培尼亚总统对中国进行正式访问并出席博鳌亚洲论坛年会，我们就新形势下加强中墨关系达成重要共识。当时，培尼亚总统热情邀请我访问墨西哥，我愉快地答应了。我的想法是，为了推动中墨关系加快发展，必须趁热打铁、乘势而上。
Last April, President Peńa Nieto paid an official visit to China and attended the Annual Conference of Boao Forum for Asia, on which occasion President Peńa and I reached important agreement on closer China-Mexico relations in new circumstances. At that time, President Peńa kindly invited me to visit Mexico, which I gladly accepted. I think it is important that we build on the positive momentum to boost the growth of China-Mexico relations.
202_年，我曾访问过墨西哥。时隔4年，再次来到这个美丽多彩的国家，我感到十分高兴，也感到十分亲切。
I visited Mexico in 202_. Today, four years later, it gives me great pleasure and a surge of warm feelings to be back in this beautiful and magnificent country.
中国有句话叫“宾至如归”，说的是客人到了一个地方，就像回到家里一样。来到墨西哥，我就有这样的感觉。
There is a saying in China, “home away from home”. It means that a guest in a new place feels very much at home. This is exactly how I feel now in Mexico.
中墨两国有着悠久的交往历史。这次前来墨西哥途中，当我透过飞机舷窗俯瞰浩瀚的太平洋时，仿佛看见几个世纪前那些满载丝绸、瓷器的“中国之船”正向着阿卡普尔科破浪前行;当我踏上贵国的土地时，又仿佛看见那位传说中的乐善好施的美丽“中国姑娘”正在普埃布拉传授纺织、刺绣技艺。
China and Mexico have a long history of interactions. On my way to Mexico, when I looked down at the vast Pacific Ocean through the window of the plane, I felt as if I saw the fleet of La Nao de China, giant ships fully loaded with silk and porcelain, braving the surging waves and moving towards Acapulco centuries ago. When I set foot on this land, I felt as if I saw the legendary Chinese Poblana, a kind-hearted and beautiful girl, teaching locals how to weave and embroider in Puebla.
我这次访问墨西哥，目的是深化友谊、扩大合作，同贵国领导人共同规划中墨关系的发展蓝图。
I am visiting Mexico this time to enhance friendship, expand cooperation and jointly map out the blueprint for China-Mexico relations together with Mexican leaders.
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Dear Friends,
墨西哥是个具有悠久文明历史的国家。玛雅人的金字塔，阿兹特克人的太阳历，见证着贵国古代文明的辉煌。
Mexico is a country with a time-honored civilization. The Mayan pyramids and Aztec Sun Calendar both stand testimony to the splendor of your ancient civilization.
当代艺术大师里维拉的壁画，文学巨匠帕斯的著作，凝聚着墨西哥人民对现实世界和人类生活的深刻感受。
The fresco of Diego Rivera, the master of contemporary art, and the classic works of Octavio Paz, the towering figure in literature, both speak to the profound insight of the Mexican people about the real world and human life.
今天的墨西哥，经济快速发展，综合国力和国际影响力不断提升。从坎昆联合国气候变化大会，到洛斯卡沃斯二十国集团领导人峰会，世界的目光一次又一次聚焦在欣欣向荣的墨西哥。
Today’s Mexico enjoys rapid economic growth, greater national strength and international influence. From the UN Climate Change Conference in Cancun to the G20 Summit in Los Cabos, a dynamic Mexico has time and again captured the eyes of the world.
我们对墨西哥的发展成就表示祝贺，衷心祝愿墨西哥国家建设事业取得更大成就!
We congratulate Mexico on its achievements and wish Mexico even bigger progress in national development.
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Dear Friends,
回顾历史，中墨两国人民都创造了灿烂的文化，都为人类文明进步作出了不可磨灭的贡献。
In the long course of history, both the Chinese and Mexican people have created a splendid culture and made indelible contribution to human progress.
拉美有句谚语：“朋友要老，好酒要陈。”中墨两国经过岁月积淀的深厚友谊，正如陈年的龙舌兰酒，历久弥香。
There is a proverb in Latin America, “Condition of good friends, condition of old wine.” The friendship between China and Mexico, which has grown from one generation to another, is like a bottle of aged Tequila, brimming with ever fresh fragrance with the passage of time.
近代以来，中墨两国在争取民族解放、捍卫国家主权、建设现代化国家的奋斗中相互声援、彼此支持。
In the more recent history, China and Mexico have supported each other in both words and actions in seeking national liberation, upholding state sovereignty and advancing modernization.
现在，我们两国都进入了经济社会发展的快车道，都呈现出美好的发展前景，中墨关系正面临前所未有的重要机遇。
Today, China and Mexico are both moving onto a fast-track of economic and social development and embracing a promising future. There is an unprecedented opportunity for our two countries to further advance bilateral relations.
这次来，我同培尼亚总统举行了很好的会谈。刚才，我又会见了安纳亚主席和阿罗约众议长。
During my visit, I have had a very good talk with President Peńa. And just now, I met with President Anaya of the Permanent Commission and President Arroyo of the Chamber of Deputies.
我们一致认为，发展中墨关系既要着眼双边合作，更要面向世界。为此，我和培尼亚总统决定，将两国关系提升为全面战略伙伴关系，使中墨关系能够在更高水平、更宽领域、更大舞台上不断发展，推动两国关系进入新的发展阶段。
We agree that in growing China-Mexico relations, we should not only focus on bilateral cooperation, but also adopt a global vision. Therefore, President Peńa and I have decided to elevate our bilateral relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership, to the benefit of continued growth of China-Mexico relations at a higher level, in a broader scope and on a bigger platform, and usher our relations into a new stage of development.